The influence of positive affect on cognitive organization. Farr Eds. The idea that I would like to talk about today is that positive affect can influence cognitive organization. Before turning to that topic, however, I would like to provide a bit of background information relating to the study of affect. For a number of years I have been doing research on the influence of positive affect on social interaction particularly helping behavior and cognitive processes. Early work indicated that positive affect leads to helping, and immediately interest focused on the processes underlying this relationship -- on why and by what means feeling good oneself should lead one to be more generous and helpful to others e.
Thus, interest in the processes by which happiness leads to helping produced studies of the influence of affect on decision making and other cognitive processes. I wish to point out three things about the kind of affect state studied in this research. First, we have dealt with low-level "everyday" feeling states, rather than with the relatively intense, dramatic states of emotion written about by others in the field.
It is well known that powerful emotion can interrupt and influence behavior, but growing evidence indicates that even lo;--level general feeling states are potentially quite influential in directing thought and influencing both social behavior and task performance or problem-solving strategy.
Because these states are relatively subtle, and because being mild or induced by small things they may occur frequently, the effects that they have on social interaction and cognitive processes may be quite pervasive and important to study.
Second, it should be noted that our research has demonstrated that a positive affective state sufficient to influence social behavior and cognitive processes can be induced by surprisingly small things.
Third, the research we have conducted to date has concentrated on positive feeling states, rather than negative states such as anxiety or anger.
Most of the earlier literature addressing the influence of feelings or emotional states on social behavior and intellectual performance has focused primarily on unpleasant states. For example, there has been extensive work on the influence of frustration or anger on aggression and on the relationship between anxiety and performance. There has also been considerable research on sadness and depression.
We have sometimes included negative affect manipulations in our studies, but our primary focus has been on discovering what happens to people's thought processes and social interaction when they feel good. One may ask whether we are sure that these manipulations induced affect, and induced the particular affective state intended by us.
The answer, based on these studies in the aggregate, is that we believe so. Because it is not possible to measure internal state directly, we have had to rely on indirect methods to determine that affective state was varied as intended even response on a "mood checklist" or questionnaire is an indirect indicator. But we have used a variety of indirect methods to verify the accuracy of our affect inductions, and we believe that we can speak of having induced positive affective states in this research.
In various studies we have included "manipulation checks" on the affective state induced--subjects' ratings of their moods or ratings of ambiguous neutral material such as ambiguous slides or unfamiliar words e. More importantly, however because one can' L be sure about the correspondence between "mood ratings" and feelings , in the studies taken as a group, we have triangulated on the concept of affect experimentally by using multiple and divergent methods of mood-induction and noting their convergence as we observed their expected effects on dependent measures of interest.
We believe that ultimately the greatest strength in arguing for the validity of any manipulation or observed effect arises from this kind of conceptual validation. Moreover, we have conducted our research as naturalistically as possible, in an attempt to reduce the potential for alternative influences such as "experimenter demand" or other experimental artifact.
Many of the studies described above were carried out in shopping malls, libraries, railroad stations, and street corners, using subjects who did not know that they were subject in an experiment. This, too, has added to our confidence in the validity of this program of research. All of this in the aggregate leads us to believe that it is affect that has been influenced by our small manipulations and that has produced the observed effects on social behavior.
As noted previously, it has also been found that such manipulations can influence subjects' cognitive processes, such as those involved in memory and judgment. For example, in a study conducted in a shopping mall, people who were unaware that they were subjects in an experiment were approached and given a small free-sample note pad or nail clipper Isen et al, Subsequently, when these subjects encountered a different person taking a consumer-opinion survey and participated in that survey, they evaluated the performance and service record of their major consumer products more positively than did a control group that had not been given the free sample.
Positive material seems to be more accessible to people who are feeling good. Moreover, additional work has indicated that the very strategies that subjects use in solving problems may be influenced by the presence of positive feelings. In one series of studies, subjects in whom good feelings had been induced by placing them in especially comfortable surroundings, complete with refreshments, were found to be more likely to use an intuitive solution, or a heuristic, in solving two different types of problems a physics timer-tape problem and a relative frequency judgment.
In addition, in a complex decision task involving choice of a car for purchase, subjects in whom positive affect had been induced by telling them that they had performed above average on a task of perceptual-motor skills differed from control subjects in how they went about making the decision.
Although there was no difference in the car chosen, on average, those in the positive affect condition took significantly less time to reach a decision about 11 minutes, in contrast with the control group's mean of about 19 ; used fewer types of information, eliminating altogether two categories that all subjects rated as least important; and engaged in less rechecking of information than control subjects. In addition, they were significantly more likely to use the strategy known as Elimination 3'!
Aspects, a strategy involving the use of broad categories to eliminate large amounts of data and quickly narrow the field of alternatives. Detailed analysis of the protocols of subjects in the car-choice study suggests that people :n the positive-affect condition tended to be more efficient than control subjects, rather than more impulsive or careless--they were faster and used fewer dimensions than control subjects in reaching a decision, but the two dimensions eliminated were those described as least important by all subjects; and the ultimate car choice of the two groups did not differ.
So the two positive-emotion films used in this study are indistinguishable from neutrality with respect to cardiovascular changes. Our fourth film elicited sadness.
We chose sadness as an additional comparison because, among the negative emotions, it has not been definitively linked to a high-energy action tendency, and thus it could be a contender for speeding cardiovascular recovery. The undoing hypothesis predicts that those who experience positive emotions on the heels of a high-activation negative emotion will show the fastest cardiovascular recovery. My colleagues and I tested this by measuring the time elapsed from the start of the randomly assigned film until the cardiovascular reactions induced by the negative emotion returned to baseline levels.
In three independent samples, participants in the two positive emotion conditions joy and contentment exhibited faster cardiovascular recovery than did those in the neutral control condition. Although the two positive-emotion films and the neutral film did not differ in what they do to the cardiovascular system, these data suggest that they do differ in what they can undo within this system.
Two distinct types of positive emotions—mild joy and contentment—share the ability to undo the lingering cardiovascular aftereffects of negative emotions. Although the precise cognitive and physiological mechanisms of the undoing effect remain unknown, the broaden-and-build theory suggests that broadening at the cognitive level mediates undoing at the cardiovascular level. Phenomenologically, positive emotions may help people place the events in their lives in broader context, lessening the resonance of any particular negative event.
Testing these suggestions and extending the work to other emotions and other contexts provide a road map for future research. Evidence for the undoing effect of positive emotions suggests that people might improve their psychological well-being, and perhaps also their physical health, by cultivating experiences of positive emotions at opportune moments to cope with negative emotions Fredrickson, a.
It seems plausible that some individuals, more than others, might intuitively understand and use the benefits of positive emotions to their advantage. One candidate individual difference is psychological resilience.
Resilient individuals are said to bounce back from stressful experiences quickly and efficiently, just as resilient metals bend but do not break Carver, ; Lazarus, This theoretical definition of resilience suggests that, relative to their less resilient peers, resilient individuals would exhibit faster cardiovascular recovery following a high-activation negative emotion.
Additionally, the broaden-and-build theory suggests that this ability to bounce back to cardiovascular baseline may be fueled by experiences of positive emotion.
With Michele Tugade, I tested these two hypotheses about resilient individuals using the same time-pressured speech preparation task described earlier to induce a high-activation negative emotion. We measured psychological resilience using Block and Kremen's self-report scale. It is interesting to note that resilience did not predict the levels of anxiety participants reported experiencing during the speech task or the magnitude of their cardiovascular reactions to the stressful task, both of which were considerable.
Resilience did, however, predict participants' reports of positive emotions. Before the speech task was even introduced, more resilient individuals reported higher levels of preexisting positive affect on an initial mood measure.
When later asked how they felt during the time-pressured speech preparation phase, more resilient individuals reported that alongside their high anxiety, they also experienced higher levels of happiness and interest.
As predicted by the theoretical definition of psychological resilience, more resilient participants exhibited significantly faster returns to baseline levels of cardiovascular activation following the speech task. These data suggest that positive emotions may fuel psychological resilience. In effect, then, resilient individuals may be—wittingly or unwittingly—expert users of the undoing effect of positive emotions.
Again, questions arise from this initial study: Do resilient individuals intentionally recruit positive emotions to cope?
If so, how do they do it? Folkman and Moskowitz identified three kinds of coping that can generate positive affect during stressful circumstances: positive reappraisal, problem-focused coping, and the infusion of ordinary events with positive meaning. Do resilient individuals use any or all of these strategies?
If so, can these strategies be taught to less resilient individuals? Finally, do resilient individuals think more broadly, as the broaden-and-build theory would suggest? If so, does broadened thinking enable people to find positive meaning within adversity? Again, these remaining questions provide directions for future work. Preliminary evidence suggests that positive emotions may fuel individual differences in resilience.
Noting that psychological resilience is an enduring personal resource, the broaden-and-build theory makes the bolder prediction that experiences of positive emotions might also, over time, build psychological resilience, not just reflect it. That is, to the extent that positive emotions broaden the scopes of attention and cognition, enabling flexible and creative thinking, they should also augment people's enduring coping resources Aspinwall, , ; Isen, In turn, by building this psychological resource, positive emotions should enhance people's subsequent emotional well-being.
Consistent with this view, studies have shown that people who experience positive emotions during bereavement are more likely to develop long-term plans and goals. It is important to note that the relation between positive meaning and positive emotions is considered reciprocal: Not only does finding positive meaning trigger positive emotion, but also positive emotions, because they broaden thinking, should increase the likelihood of finding positive meaning in subsequent events Fredrickson, a.
These suspected reciprocal relations among positive emotions, broadened thinking, and positive meaning suggest that over time the effects of positive emotions should accumulate and compound. The broadened attention and cognition triggered by earlier experiences of positive emotion should facilitate coping with adversity, and this improved coping should predict future experiences of positive emotion.
As this cycle continues, people build their psychological resilience and enhance their emotional well-being. The broaden-and-build theory predicts a comparable upward spiral in which positive emotions and the broadened thinking they engender also influence one another reciprocally, leading to appreciable increases in emotional well-being over time. Positive emotions may trigger these upward spirals, in part by building resilience and influencing the ways people cope with adversity.
For a complementary discussion of upward spirals, see Aspinwall, , With Thomas Joiner, I conducted an initial prospective test of the hypothesis that through cognitive broadening, positive emotions produce an upward spiral toward enhanced emotional well-being. We assessed positive and negative emotions, as well as a concept we called broad-minded coping , at two time points, five weeks apart. Our data revealed clear evidence for an upward spiral. Individuals who experienced more positive emotions than others became more resilient to adversity over time, as indexed by increases in broad-minded coping.
These findings suggest that positive emotions and broad-minded coping mutually build on one another. Not only do positive emotions make people feel good in the present, but also, through their effects on broadened thinking, positive emotions increase the likelihood that people will feel good in the future. Because broad-minded coping is a form of psychological resilience, these data are consistent with the prediction, drawn from the broaden-and-build theory, that momentary experiences of positive emotion can build enduring psychological resources and trigger upward spirals toward enhanced emotional well-being.
Again, many questions arise from these data. Does this upward spiral effect hold over longer time intervals and across other measures of well-being and broadening? What are the mechanisms of the effect? Do positive emotions beget future positive emotions because the broadened thinking associated with earlier positive emotions helps people solve their original problems, or because this broadened thinking enables people to find positive meaning in other life circumstances and thus experience additional positive emotions?
Future studies, including experimental designs, are needed to answer these questions. What role do positive emotions play within positive psychology? Traditional views would suggest that experiences of positive emotion signal well-being and perhaps guide behavior in the moment.
Without minimizing the importance of these functions, the broaden-and-build theory casts positive emotions in a much larger role. The theory suggests that positive emotions, although fleeting, also have more long-lasting consequences. From the perspective of the broaden-and-build theory, positive emotions are vehicles for individual growth and social connection: By building people's personal and social resources, positive emotions transform people for the better, giving them better lives in the future.
More specifically, the broaden-and-build theory suggests that multiple, discrete positive emotions are essential elements of optimal functioning. As such, the capacities to experience joy, interest, contentment, and love might be construed as fundamental human strengths that yield multiple, interrelated benefits Fredrickson, e. My own research outlines a small subset of these benefits. I hope these initial findings inspire the further investigations of positive emotions that are needed to test, refine, uphold, or discard the broaden-and-build theory, which in turn will advance positive psychology.
Relaxation techniques are known to reduce blood pressure in hypertensive adults Blumenthal, ; Schneider et al. Additionally, Ryff and Singer suggested that physical health depends on having quality connections to others and leading a life of purpose.
Recent evidence seems to support this assertion. These new findings, although somewhat isolated, underscore the message that positive emotions may be essential for optimizing both psychological and physical functioning Fredrickson, a. Yet the benefits of positive emotions identified thus far are likely just the tip of the proverbial iceberg. As the positive psychology movement inspires additional research on positive emotions, even more reasons to cultivate positive emotions may be discovered.
National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Am Psychol. Author manuscript; available in PMC Jun Barbara L. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. University of Michigan. Author's note. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Barbara L. Copyright notice. The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at Am Psychol.
See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract In this article, the author describes a new theoretical perspective on positive emotions and situates this new perspective within the emerging field of positive psychology.
Perspectives on Emotions and Affect Working definitions of emotions and affect vary somewhat across researchers. The Broaden-and-Build Theory of Positive Emotions To advance understanding in this area, I formulated a new theoretical model to better capture the unique effects of positive emotions. Evidence for the Broaden-and-Build Theory Empirical support for several key propositions of the broaden-and-build theory can be drawn from multiple sub-disciplines within psychology, ranging from cognition and intrinsic motivation to attachment styles and animal behavior for a review, see Fredrickson, Positive Emotions Broaden Thought-Action Repertoires Foundational evidence for the proposition that positive emotions broaden people's momentary thought-action repertoires comes from two decades of experiments conducted by Isen and colleagues for a review, see Isen, Positive Emotions Undo Lingering Negative Emotions Evidence for the broadening hypothesis has clear implications for the strategies that people use to regulate their experiences of negative emotions.
Positive Emotions Fuel Psychological Resiliency Evidence for the undoing effect of positive emotions suggests that people might improve their psychological well-being, and perhaps also their physical health, by cultivating experiences of positive emotions at opportune moments to cope with negative emotions Fredrickson, a. Concluding Remarks What role do positive emotions play within positive psychology?
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